The State and Immigration

The international context The national context
Immigration in the project of national organization The policy pacification and state organization
Economic expansion Migration law
The new face of society


The conditions of the origin countries

Geographical mobility of people has been a constant throughout European history. Long before the mass emigration, men and women traveled for centuries for economic, political or religious reasons.
Traditionally, in the agricultural and pastoral societies occurred seasonal movements of labor, due to the agricultural cycle and the transhumance linked to livestock.
Other forms of mobility in the preindustrial society were migrations from the countryside to the cities, voluntary or forced displacement caused by wars and rivalries of States, the expulsion of religious minorities, the movement of skilled craftsmen who offer their services in various regions.

The "Great Emigration" or "Mass Emigration”, which began in the early nineteenth century was to some extent a continuation of this geographical mobility, but at the same time had very peculiar features, that became a phenomenon different from "Trade Emigration" feature of the Old System. Between 1830 and 1930 more than fifty million Europeans immigrated to America. In part preserves some of the characteristics of existing migration movements. But differs from them mainly by three factors: the massive nature of the phenomenon, the heavy weight of permanent emigration and the preeminence of far-off places, beyond the oceans.
In the first half of the nineteenth century labor emigrations represent, because of its dimensions and characteristics, a new phenomenon in European history. This massive population movement manifested itself in different ways, both space and time. The timing and intensity of immigration flows changed from country to country and from region to region, as a result of various times in those who did the main factors of economic and demographic nature.

The Demographic

Why were millions of people of various European nations forced to leave their home countries since the early decades of the nineteenth century, in a dimension that was unique?
The first reason was the growth of the population. For centuries, high birth rates had been counteracting by high rates of mortality due to famine, endemic and epidemic diseases -smallpox, bubonic plague, tuberculosis- and wars. Agriculture yields were very low until the eighteenth century, and put a first limit to population increase.
Infant mortality rates were very high and poor sanitary conditions. Diseases that today are benign on those days were fatal, and tuberculosis was a major cause of death in young people. Mortality increased in periods of bad harvests, and especially of epidemics. From eighteenth-century European demographic conditions were modified.
Improvements in agriculture allowed greater food resources, and health conditions improved to the extent that they were making progress in medicine. All this contributed to mortality were declining, and as birth rates remained high, there was a population growth unprecedented.

While that at the beginning of the nineteenth century the European population had reached nearly 200 million of people, by 1900 it had doubled, according to the figures below.
From the demographic point of view, emigration was a response to pressures from population growth, and served as an exhaust valve.
Neither all European countries nor all regions within them participated of the migration phenomenon in the same way. It is not possible to establish a mechanical correlation between population growth and emigration: to the population pressure was accounted other factors. However, it is evident that mass emigration was possible so far as the European population began to grow at unprecedented rates.

Economic Conditions

The nineteenth century was for Europe a period of profound economic changes, marked by the process of industrialization and its consequences.
Since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain in the late eighteenth century, this phenomenon was spreading across the continent. The industry became the more dynamic economic activity. The old forms of industrial production were gradually replaced by the factory system. A rapid process of urbanization took place, characterized by the growth and modernization of cities and the increase of urban population in relation to the rural population. The changes also affected the agricultural production, which was increasing yields through the process of technological innovation. Changes in production relations and property systems gradually led to the territorial division and the cultivation of marginal lands. The strong population growth accelerated in many areas the food crisis and the scarcity of vacant land.
Migration from the countryside to the city contributed to make worse the decline in wages and unemployment of the urban proletariat. To the extent that the process of industrialization was contemporaneous with the migration process, one wonders to what extent it was one of its causes.
No doubt that the new economic conditions created a frame of opportunity for mass emigration. In first place, the called "transportation revolution", that took place from the 1820's. It considerably expedited ground transportation with the spread of the railway, shortening travel distances and allowing longer range movements. Also made possible, with steam navigation, the reduction in the price of ocean travel and reduced travel times.
By the late nineteenth century sea passages were relatively accessible, and the travel time between European ports and Buenos Aires had been shortened significantly. In the decade of 1830, crossing the Atlantic on sailing ships from the Italian ports of Genoa and Livorno took no less than fifty days. With the advent of steamboat travel time was reduced to less than half, which is between 18 and 24 days. These conditions could be altered due to bad weather or technical damages, which extended the length of the journey. The formation of an increasingly integrated world market helped the free movement of people and displacement of workers from areas with excess labor to regions where it was scarce. It also facilitated the sending of remittances from migrants to their countries of origin, as there were no restrictions on currency transfer from the destination countries. The sums of money transferred by immigrants individually were not high, but due the large number of people who lived far from their homes, the total amount was very important, and had a strong impact on the European economy.
The new economic conditions also acted as expulsion factors. For example, the development of certain regions at the expense of other involved the impoverishment of the latter. The diffusion of technological innovation processes that ruined traditional activities such as crafts, undoubtedly contributed to cause population movements. In many cases the artisans chose the path of emigration as an alternative to proletarianzation, and seeking to exercise their trade in the countries of destination. Although population growth was coupled with a growing demand for goods and higher production, industrial expansion was not able to absorb the available labor supply. Internal movements of rural population to cities, and the overseas to the chances of working abroad, were representing the natural response to the "differential population pressure" between European and American countries.
In some parts of Europe, the creation of national markets and the unification of external tariffs hurt the most backward regions such as southern Italy.
It has been tried to establish a correlation between mass emigration and the agrarian crisis that Europe experienced between mid 1870 and mid 1890, due to the great depression of cereal prices generated by competition from foreign grains. This would have resulted in the ruin of the peasantry, which would have been forced to emigrate.
But this varies according to countries and regions and is difficult to find general satisfactory explanations.
Some regions of Italy, such as Liguria, had its emigration height before the “Great Depression”, and others, like Sicily, began it once the crisis ended. But in the Veneto, the emigration flow was closely linked to fluctuations of the agricultural economy. With respect to Spain, the rise of overseas migration occurred in the mid-nineties, when Europe as a whole began to leave the great depression.
Economic conditions were undoubtedly factors of emigration, but varied from country to country and from region to region. In some cases the agrarian crisis was the main factor of expulsion. But in others it was not so: in the North of Italy the diffusion of power loom, which hurt farmers who performed work at home with handlooms, had a similar importance to the fall in agricultural prices as a driver of migration overseas. In Spain was a key commercial rupture with France in the early 1890's, closing a market addressed by the bulk of agricultural production. You should also take into account that migration can be induced by natural disasters such as agricultural pests, affecting only certain regions.
Was the misery created by the new economic conditions the main cause of emigration? Beyond isolated cases, it appears not to have been the rule. Extreme poverty was more an obstacle than a transoceanic migration engine. Firstly, because the emigrants had to face the cost of travel, except in cases where there were passages subsidized (as in the case of Brazil and Argentina in a few years).
Secondly, because for the most disadvantaged was difficult to have the resources to survive without work during the time of travel and the time for joining the labor market in the country of destination.
Generally were not the poorest who emigrated. Surveys in southern Italy at the beginning of this century show that many peasants from depressed rural areas did not immigrate to America for lack of money to do so. In the cases of Spain and Italy are not migrating from the areas of large estates, where the largest number of agricultural workers lived, but from those of small farms, whose inhabitants, small business owners or tenants, were in a relatively more comfortable situation. In fact those, who emigrants, did it for many motivations were not always economic.

Social Conditions and Policies

The nineteenth century was also a high social conflict century, and it was no stranger to the migratory process.
Again, the situation changed in regional terms. Some authors tried to find a correlation between high levels of social organization -trade unions and strong political parties-and low rates of emigration. And contrary, if there was a correlation between low levels of social organization and high rates of emigration. This is not necessarily so: it could be that while plunged strata chose the trade union or political struggle, the tenants and small owners could opt for emigration. This would not be high and low rates of emigration, but of various social strata who emigrated.
Beyond regional variations, emigration was an exhaust valve for high-conflict societies. In fact, the politic emigration had begun with the exile of liberals and republicans, and continued later with the socialists, anarchists and communists. In some cases, such as Italian, the authorities encouraged the migration of radical militants, giving them freedom and a “clean” passport in exchange for them to leave the Italian territory.
To those who emigrated for social or political reasons, we should add to those expatriates for religious reasons. These include both members of minorities who emigrated to perform community projects in the countries of destination -for example the Waldenses- and those persecuted groups in the countries of origin, like the Jews or the Armenians.
Among the variety of characters and situations of the migratory movement, it is possible to cut out two figures.
In the first place, of those affected in their activity by changing economic conditions, demographic and social (national or continental) we have considered previously. This category ranges from urban artisans displaced by the emergence of the factory system to farmers affected by an expansion of markets that favors certain regions and impoverishes others. Both craftsmen and farmers, seeking re-evaluate, through emigration, their professions. They try to defend activities that not only allow them to subsist but also maintain a form of sociability and a type of family structure.
A second figure would be the one of those seeking the best value through social mobility strategies, certain comparative advantages they have, as a small capital, a title, or simply a set of empirical knowledge. The new spaces opening up in overseas societies appear to them as well suitable to help its quick social rise.

Immigrant Strategies

When we refer to the strategies of immigrants we assume that it cannot fully understand social action without taking into account the active role of individuals in the decision making process. While there was, since the mid-nineteenth century, a national and international context that helped the mass migration process, immigrants do not respond mechanically to external stimulus. They decided to emigrate after evaluating the information available, choosing a particular destination rather than others, and resolving which members of the family group would migrate and which would remain in the country of origin.
From this perspective, a first issue to consider is the access to information, that is, through what means the potential migrants got news of the opportunities offered by potential host countries, and concrete options from which to realize their decisions.
Some information was provided by government agents, settling companies or shipping companies. But migrants obtained the key information and made their decisions through personal relationships that they had with relatives, friends and neighbors. These were the "primary social networks" or interaction "face to face", which not only provided information but also specific proposals and secure guarantees for carrying out the journey and the first settle in the country of destiny.

The migrants, searching for practical purposes -such as the choosing of a particular destination and obtaining work and accommodation-used their own networks, provided by the group of relatives or neighbors. The system, which was observed by the first experts of emigration, has been called "migration chain."
The notion of "migration chain" began to be used in academic circles since the 1950's, since the work of New Zealand and Australian historians. J.S and L. McDonald [1964] defined it as "the movement through which the alleged immigrants learn of opportunities, are provided for transport and obtain their initial settle and job, through primary social relationships with previous immigrants" . The mechanism defined in that way was opposed to movements based in impersonal systems of recruitment and assistance to immigrants. The chain was used in this context to explain who should emigrate, where, how, where migrants would be settled and what occupation would perform.
The concept of migration chain was reformulated later by other scholars, but beyond the variants, primarily involves the proposal to recover the experience of migrants as social beings. The protagonists are no longer viewed as inert masses carried by the fluctuations of capitalism (through the combination of attraction and expulsion factors), but as active subjects able to develop strategies to subsist and rehabilitation in the context of macro-structural change.
Strategies that even with its limitations, even with its inadequacies against the policies of other social factors involved in the migration process, should acquire a central explanatory role for the purpose of obtaining a less unilateral image and more complex migration mechanisms. This line of interpretation especially helpful to understand in a more realistic way the individual and group strategies, putting immigrants at the center of the story, even with the limits and conditioning of the time.
The chain is expressed through financial support -usually in the form of an advance of travel expenses- and the intervention of relatives or friends already immigrants. Through these guarantee channels, the migrant knew the opportunities in a foreign town and provided the necessary means to face his first settlement.
Most of the immigrants did not use the services offered by states or public entities, although it is true that migration policies are an important aspect in this process and, in general, are the sine qua non condition that allow verify and record migrations movements. Chains of solidarity and cooperative relations not operated only in a bipolar way, of the villages of origin to a particular place of destination; It was more common the cases of multipolarity of destinations, with several cases always "assisted" by the chain.
The theme of the strategies is not limited to the study of the chains. It also implies remarks that the migration was in most cases rather than the result of an individual decision but was part of a family project, well calibrated and responding to specific demands. The reasons for migration were very varied. It could be to face a specific and temporary problem - pay a debt, illness of a member of the family, an unexpected calamity-, or to resolve situations characteristics of peasant society structure, such as marriages, dowries, the purchase and upkeep of the land.


Argentina was one of the New World countries which received more immigrants in the period of mass migration. While in absolute terms the number of immigrants who settled in the country between 1880 and 1930 was lower than that of those who went to the United States, Argentina was the country that had the highest proportion of foreigners in relation to its total population. According to 1,914 census data, a third of the country's population was composed of foreigners.

Why so many immigrants do chose to settle in our country? What gave Argentina as attraction factors in the era of mass migration?

Consider that since the last decades of the last century the country entered into a period of unprecedented economic expansion, accompanied by a political peace process and institution consolidation.
This encouraged the inflow of immigrants to Argentina and became it in one of the privileged destinations.


Argentina was one of the New World countries which received more immigrants in the period of mass migration. While in absolute terms the number of immigrants who settled in the country between 1880 and 1930 was lower than that of those who went to the United States, Argentina was the country that had the highest proportion of foreigners in relation to its total population. According to 1,914 census data, a third of the country's population was composed of foreigners.

Why so many immigrants do chose to settle in our country? What gave Argentina as attraction factors in the era of mass migration?

Consider that since the last decades of the last century the country entered into a period of unprecedented economic expansion, accompanied by a political peace process and institution consolidation.

This encouraged the inflow of immigrants to Argentina and became it in one of the privileged destinations.

The political and institutional organization and the economic and social modernization were the mainstays on which settled the transformation process. In this context, immigration was the result of "a conscious effort on the part of elites who led the organization of the country to replace its old structure, inherited from colonial society, with a social structure inspired by the most advanced countries of the West" (G. Germani, 1965, p.180)
The principal and explicit aim was not merely to "populate the desert", but also to alter substantially the composition of its population, adding to the native population the European immigrants, who should transmit their values to all the inhabitants of the country.

These ideas appeared already stated in the "Basis and starting point for the Political Organization of the Argentina Republic”, Juan Bautista Alberdi, whose first edition was published in May 1852, just months after the defeat of Rosas at Caseros. Alberdi saw immigration as “a means of progress and culture to South America" (Basis, ed. Jackson, 1953, p.77).
According Alberdi, Argentina would receive, through immigrants, "the revitalizing spirit of European civilization". (Basis, p.77).
They would introduce habits of order and good manners, habits of industry and diligence, and they would transmit them to the whole population. Alberdi saw in immigration a key to the development of Argentina, since the inhabitants of the industrialized countries, those of Northern Europe, to settle in our country would allow it to be transformed and become an advanced nation. Alberdi believed in what he designated as "the education of things", which was to teach by example and the teaching of specific skills, rather than formal and humanity education.
To encourage immigration, Alberdi proposed several concrete measures. On the one hand, signing treaties with foreign countries to guarantee property rights, civil liberties, security, purchase and transit. He saw the friendship and commercial treaties as "honorable means to place South American civilization under the protection of world civilization" (Basis, p.80). Secondly, the government should encourage spontaneous migration, giving immigrants "franchises that make them forget their status as foreigners" (p.82), following the U.S. model. Thirdly, he argued that religious tolerance was a key element, and it was to Spanish American a "fatal dilemma: either exclusively Catholic and deserted, or populated and prosperous, and tolerant in religion" (p.83). Excluding non-Catholics, mainly Protestants, was for Alberdi to exclude the people who most need this continent.

The attraction of immigrants and their distribution throughout the national territory would only be possible having a proper transport system. The railway, the free navigation of the river and the elimination of internal customs were seen by Alberdi as conditions for the civilizing of Europe gets into the interior of our continent (pp.86-97).

He also argued that civil and commercial law should facilitate the settling of foreigners, for which it was necessary to reform the laws to fit the new constitution.

The "Basis" was one of the texts that inspired the 1853 Constitution, which states in Section 25 that "The Federal Government shall encourage European immigration and may not restrict, limit or impose any tax on entry of foreigners into the Argentine territory who arrive for the purpose of work the soil, improving industry and introducing and teaching the sciences and the arts". Other articles guarantee the civil rights of all inhabitants of the Confederation (section 14), property rights (section.17), and legal security (section.18). Section 20 provides that "Foreigners enjoy in the territory of the Confederation of all civil rights of citizens, can exercise their industry, trade or profession, own property, buy and sell it, navigate the rivers and coasts, freely practice their religion; wills and marry under the law. They are neither obliged to accept citizenship nor to pay inevitably extra contributions”.

While both the government of the Confederation as the Province of Buenos Aires took several steps to encourage immigration, only in 1876 during the presidency of Avellaneda, Law No. 817 was enacted, "immigration and settling", approved on October 19th of that year.


The construction of a national state was a slow and complex process that began with the May Revolution and demanded more than half a century of civil wars and failed experiments.

Despite the intensive economic activity aroused even before the fall of Rosas by the transformations that were occurring in the global economy, the expansion possibilities were limited by various factors of economic and institutional order.

The absence of an integrated national market, the scarcity of media, the anarchy in the payment means, the absence of a financial market, difficulties in expanding the territorial border helped to create a framework of instability that threatened the growth economic.

Furthermore, the absence of guarantees on the property, on the stability of production and still on life-derived from the continuing civil war and Indian raids, put almost insuperable obstacles to private.
"The gap between project and realization, between the utopia of 'progress' and the reality of backwardness and chaos, represented the distance between the formal constitution of the nation and the actual existence of a national state" (Oszlak, 1982, p. 54).

A few months after the fall of Rosas, in September 1852, began a new era of political fragmentation of the territory. Although in 1853 the Constitution was enacted, between 1852 and 1862 the Province of Buenos Aires broke away from the rest of the provinces, which gathered in the Argentina Confederacy which capital was Paraná.

Even though with the battle of Pavón took place the reunification of the territory and the beginning of "national presidencies" -Mitre, Sarmiento and Avellaneda-, various issues remained open to resolve that led to new fighting. Peasants’ militia uprisings in the provinces of Northwest, Cuyo and Entre Ríos in the 1860 and 1870 and the struggles that took place around the capitalization of Buenos Aires, which recently culminated in 1880, were the most significant expressions of the conflict. To the internal clashes was added the War with Paraguay, which took place between 1865 and 1870.

For Argentina’s elite "order" appeared as a condition of economic progress, and had to turn external projections. Its establishment would gain the confidence of foreigners in the country's stability and its institutions. This will attract resources and immigrants, two factors of production without which any prospect of progress virtually was null.
Despite internal and external conflicts, the first presidencies were a time of legal and political modernization. For the first time the separation of powers established by the Constitution was implemented, when installed in 1862 the judiciary. Since 1863, the cast of vote was regulated on the basis of the standards set by the Constitution, establishing the electoral system which was valid until 1912.

The approval of the Civil and Commercial Codes consolidated the private and criminal law throughout the country, setting the foundations of legal security. From1880, with the presidency of Roca, the country was pacified, and peace policy enabled the new administration to successfully undertake the transformation of the country's institutional structure.

After the federalization of Buenos Aires, several measures tried to consolidate and organize the new institutional framework, including the organization of national territories, the creation of the Code of Civil Procedure, the Monetary Unification Law, Common Education Law (1884) and the Civil Registry (1888).


Since the mid-nineteenth century until the First World War, Argentina's economy grew steadily, a rate that accelerated from 1880.

The period between 1880 and1914 was the period of greatest economic growth in the country. "The trends that were displayed prior to 1880 ended up generating an irregular but vigorous growth, directed to export, of an unusual dynamic even in those years that many of the outlying regions of the world attended the proceedings in which exports were the engine of growth. Whether comparing the growth experienced by Argentina with its own development past or later, or what was happening in the rest of the world during 1880-1913, can be qualified, no doubt of extraordinary "(Diaz Alejandro, 1980, p.370). Between 1880 and 1913 the gross domestic product per capita doubled. The total population quadrupled, rising from less than two million people in the early 1870s to over eight million in 1914. The annual growth rates between 1880 and 1914 were 3.4% for the population and between 2 and 2.5 for gross domestic product.

The basis of this growth consisted of a series of factors, which include the rapid expansion of agricultural production, export growth, modernizing of the transport system -in particular through the construction of railways and population growth. These changes affected the configuration of space and resulted in the formation of a national market, and the development of an emerging industry related to livestock and agriculture.

At the same time, Argentina was incorporated into an increasingly integrated world market as an exporter of agricultural products.

Since the 1820's there was a first process of modernization and diversification of agricultural production, thanks to the introduction and spread of sheep farming, a process that has accelerated since the 1840's. For 1851 the wool was more than 10% of total exports, and the stock of sheep reached 14 million heads (about 1810 sheep numbers was between 2 and 3 million). The expansion of sheep went on in the 1860's, producing a true "sheep fever". By 1865 wool had become the main product of export of the Province of Buenos Aires and the country. In the seventies, the industry continued growing, although exposed to the ups and downs that resulted from both the international market conditions and local issues affecting farming and the export (H. Sábato, 1989, 42-43).

Until the end of the century the wool remained the main export product of the country, but the sheep has declined steadily since the 1880's. At the same time, the varieties for the production of wool -as merino wool- were moving from the province of Buenos Aires to the south, replaced by new breeds, which were also used to supply the emerging meat industry.

But also, to the late 1880's another process was coming, which radically changed land use in the humid pampas. The cattle, for refrigerators, were replacing the sheep. At the same time, there was a strong expansion of agriculture, thanks to the incorporation of new lands

"By mid-year 1876-79, the area that was worked in the Pampas region of Argentina reached 54.6 million hectares. Among those years and the end of the decade of 1880, that area reached 83.8 million hectares. In a decade had added about 30 million hectares, reaching the surface exploitable in the Pampas its current dimensions.” (...) (R. Cortés Conde, 1980, p.377). In the eighties the incorporation of land mainly due to the desert campaign.
The growth of land supply in the first place allowed a big expansion of cattle ranching, particularly in the province of Buenos Aires. From railroad expansion, began the expansion of agriculture, which accelerated in the 1890's. In a first stage the province of Santa Fe led this process, followed by Buenos Aires, but by 1914 cereal production of Buenos Aires exceed that of Santa Fe The increased of agricultural production, especially wheat, resulted in a sharp increase in exports, which rose from 328,000 tons in 1890 to 1,900,000 in 1900.
The exports of frozen meat were also increasing, thanks to the expansion of meat processing plants and miscegenation activity in cattle.
While the first railway line begun to be build in 1857, the increasing of the miles built was slow until the 1880's. In 1880 the total length of railway lines was 1563 miles. By 1890 it was of almost 6000, and by 1914 more than 21,000. The fastest growing stages were the eighties and the decade before the First World War. By then all the trunk lines were drawn, and from then on the growth was very slow.
The construction of railways was a key element in strengthening agricultural export activity, that it allowed the settling and commercial exploitation of the pampas. The agricultural development would not have been possible without railway, since there were no alternative routes that allow transport from production areas.


Argentina's legislation provides equal rights and obligations to natives and foreigners. So supports our Constitution in Section 20 when it says: "Foreigners enjoy in the territory of the Nation of all civil rights of citizens, can exercise their industry, trade or profession. They are neither obliged to accept citizenship nor to pay inevitably extra contributions”.

During the presidency of Nicolás Avellaneda in 1876, was enacted and promulgated the law no. 817, it was the first to regulate immigration and settling. The Law consists of 121 chapters, half of them devoted to immigration, and the other half to settling. In 1903, sanctioned the law n º 4167 on "sale and lease of public lands”, it was abolished the section corresponding to settling.

Through the Law was created the General Department of Immigration, under the Home Ministry (section 1 º); giving the executive branch the power to appoint agents in those parts of Europe or America that may be desirable to encourage immigration to Argentina Republic, which will have the function "to establish a continuous propaganda, provide free reports to interested parties, certify the conduct and industrial attitude of the immigrant, involved in transport contracts and, in some cases, pay for their tickets" (section 4).

The Executive may also appoint committees of immigration on points of the country interested in the problem, with the role of host, place, and transfer immigrants (Section 8). Office work and placement, will work with the Immigration Department of Buenos Aires and local committees to deal with requests for "teachers, craftsmen, laborers and farmers that they were made" and "ensure favorable conditions for the placement of immigrants (section.10)" in art, trade or industry who prefer to engage (section 48). The Immigration Department should "propose by all means at its disposal to encourage and facilitate the admission of immigrants into the Interior (section 3)”.

In Section 12 the law defines as an immigrant to "any foreign laborer, artisan, industrial, farmer or teacher, who were under sixty years and proving their morality and their skills, arrive the republic to settle in it, steamship or sailing, paying tickets of a second or third class, or having the trip paid on behalf of the Nation, provincial or private companies, protective of immigration and settling.

All immigrants, providing "sufficient evidence of good conduct and his fitness to any industry, art or trade useful," had the right to be housed and maintained at public expense during the five days following to his landing (section 45). In addition, the Public Power also made his transfer to the place of the country that he chose as his residence. Moreover, when the immigrant so wished, he could obtain employment through the Labor Office.

In case of going to the interior of the country, and if in the destination there was Immigration Commission, it should grant the immigrant accommodation and food for a period of ten days.

The chapters on settling were seven. The first of them created the Office of Land and colonies, body responsible for centralizing the state action. The law envisaged various systems of settling:
> Direct settling by the State in national territories and land released by the provincial governments.
> Indirect settling through private companies on land measured and divided, or in places that had not been exploited.
> Settling by individual initiative.
> Settling of the provincial governments encouraged by the national government.
> Settling by individuals protected by the government.

In parallel with action to encourage immigration by the state, political and economic conditions in Argentina, especially after 1880, served as an incentive for the massive arrival of immigrants.


This impact was reflected to a greater or lesser degree depending on the geographical distribution in the country, the most important receptor areas and those who received fewer immigrants. Since that, were built different "types" that originated in the mix of traditions: Jewish gaucho, the Italian, the Galician, traders "Turks" and their characterization according to different forms of economic activities which joined by newcomers, both in town and countryside.

Likewise, simultaneously with the integration processes, were also developed by the immigrants themselves, mechanisms and institutions as a form of solidarity and defense of their traditions: benefit societies, associations for nationality, self-help centers, social clubs and sports. This was an exceptional environment for the integration of different communities organized in the country.

In the specific case of immigration based in the cities is important to note the influence of the same in the architecture, the incorporation of new construction techniques.
The impact of immigration is expressed in the social mobility that was established and in the realization of "making America" the culture of work and the effort as a mechanism that got results in the open society where it was.

But there was also some social unease, derived in part from those working conditions, which combined with the new ideas that immigrants brought from Europe enabled the rise of the organized labor movement, as well as anarchism, socialism, trade unionism. This result "unwanted" is exemplified by the most important conflicts of the period (1880 - 1914) as the strike of 1909 and the measures taken by the State: the laws of "Residence" and "Social Protection", along with reports on the working class in Argentina and projects of establishing codes of work.

The other notable aspect is the issue of immigrant participation in public affairs, what kind of integration considered the Argentine elites of them and what represented their "nationalization" through his staying and descendants. The influence of immigrants in the constitution of our artistic tradition, their contributions to art and music, is an important item within the subject, as well as in science and technology.

The confluence of traditions is expressed today in activities that became national collective experiences such as the tango and football.

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